Týden: Most presidential candidates represent current system

Prague, Jan 3 (CTK) - Four of the nine candidates for Czech president clearly represent the current unpopular political system, two represent it partly and only three stand aside it, Martin Fendrych writes in the weekly Tyden ahead of the January 11-12 first round of the direct presidential election.

The forthcoming election seems to be strongly influenced by the results of public opinion polls mapping individual candidates' popularity. These polls make many believe that it is meaningless to vote for a candidate whose voter preferences are low, Fendrych writes.

However, the poll results may be misleading and need not correspond to reality. The voter who is convinced that the country really needs a president and that president is worth being chosen directly by people should support the candidate whom he considers credible and closest to him rather than tacticise and support the "better" of the two candidates whom he expects to advance to the second round, Fendrych writes.

He continues assessing each of the nine candidates.

A part of the candidates represent the current political system. First of all it is Milos Zeman (supported by People's Rights Party, SPOZ). Zeman, the Social Democrat (CSSD) prime minister in 1998-2002, and the then rival Civic Democrat (ODS) head Vaclav Klaus together created the "Klaussystem" that enabled the rise of godfathers, or powerful businessmen controlling the state through political parties. The voters who want this to continue with the president's support should vote for Zeman as president, Fendrych writes.

The other candidates representing the current system are senators Premysl Sobotka (ODS) and Jiri Dienstbier (CSSD), and MEP Zuzana Roithova (Christian Democrats, KDU-CSL), Fendrych writes.

Sobotka has from the beginning assisted in everything the mainstream right-wing ODS has achieved in the country, both the successes and the infamous Klaussystem, Fendrych says.

True, Dienstbier stood up against the godfathers in Prague, but he not only failed to keep his resistance but he even made a bargain of it. Prague City hall's links to godfathers are now almost the same as before, while Dienstbier has his mouth muzzled with his presidential candidacy. The Klaussystem has swallowed him up, not to speak of his kowtowing to the Communists, in which he competes with Zeman, Fendrych writes.

Roithova is a Christian Democrat. No scandal has been linked to her, but the Christian Democrats are linked to many. They, too, assisted in building the present system as a former governing party. The lady assisted in it as well, Fendrych writes, referring to Roithova.

Jan Fischer (unaffiliated former PM) and Karel Schwarzenberg (TOP 09 chairman, foreign minister) represent the current system only partly.

As far as Fischer is concerned, the system (President Klaus and the then ODS and CSSD leaders Mirek Topolanek and Jiri Paroubek) chose him for interim prime minister in 2009. His positive aspect is his flexibility. He converted to Judaism under his son's influence, Fendrych writes.

Schwarzenberg has done a lot for the Czechs. Under the communist regime he supported dissidents from exile. After the Iron Curtain's fall he introduced Vaclav Havel in the world. He is a patriot. However, he has allied with Miroslav Kalousek, a typical representative of the Klaussystem, Fendrych writes.

Supporting Schwarzenberg means supporting a man devoted to the Czech Republic but also a piece of Kalousek at the same time, Fendrych adds.

The three candidates standing aside the current system are actress Tana Fischerova, Sovereignty party head Jana Bobosikova and composer and artist Vladimir Franz, he continues.

Fischerova makes the impression of an etheric and naive being. Supporting her means supporting a very decent woman who, however, is not quite rooted in reality, Fenrych writes.

Bobosikova is a strong lady. As president she would follow up Klaus's efforts to tear the Czechs away from the EU. She has been on good terms with the Communists - since her youth, Fendrych writes, alluding to Bobosikova as a young pro-communist activist before 1989.

Franz has been massively supported by young people. No one proved that Franz (with his shaved head and his body and face completely tattooed) has ever preferred the Nazis or neo-Nazis, Fendrych writes.

The idea of Franz representing the Czechs as president abroad is attractive because the Czechs would look bold though they are not, Fendrych continues, alluding to Franz's "exotic" appearance.

To succeed, Franz should refrain from speaking. His statements such as that he does not want computers, cell phones or the Internet are interesting but he is incapable of explaining them sufficiently, as a result of which he looks stupid, Fendrych writes.

If the Constitutional Court postponed the presidential election over rejected candidates' complaints, it would damage Fischer, the current favourite, most of all. Fischer is not coming up with novelties and he is a bureaucratic type. The more the election is protracted, the more Fischer's star will fade away. He will be overshadowed by Zeman with his excellent campaign in which he "slyly" involved his 18-year-old daughter, Fendrych concludes.