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Respekt: Czechs must again decide where they belong

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Prague, Jan 18 (CTK) – The Czech Republic is once again faced with the question of where it wants to belong now that its eastern neighbours, mainly Hungary and Poland and to a lesser extent Slovakia, too, are deviating from the post-communist path, Erik Tabery writes in weekly Respekt out yesterday.
He writes that some Western political analysts and commentators say there is only the East and the West again and Central Europe has ceased to exist, when speaking about the developments mainly in Hungary and Poland that are taking steps limiting the independent media and judiciary.
Tabery writes that every country applying for EU admission must fulfil a number of criteria. The candidate country must have all aspects of a democratic society, including an independent judiciary and media, human rights guarantees, a pluralist election system and others.
All applicant countries know this, and this is also true of the Poles, Hungarians and Czechs. That is why Poland´s surprise at the European Commission taking interest in the quality of its democracy after the recent election, in which the opposition conservative Law and Justice (PiS) of Jaroslaw Kaczynski won, is utterly untrustworthy, Tabery writes.
What is going on in Warsaw is a big problem and it also afflicts the Czechs because they have again found themselves in the column “Eastern Europe,” Tabery writes.
He writes that this may be due to the Visegrad Four (V4), comprised of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, refraining from any criticism of what is going in its member country, Poland.
This may lead to the conviction that the countries consider similar practices normal, Tabery writes.
He writes that the Poles who advocate liberal democracy and are currently under the pressure of their government should know that Czechs are their partners, that they are sensitive to their fears for freedom.
The Polish government, for its part, should hear that what is happening in its country is no dispute between the West and East, but a dispute between liberal democracy and an authoritarian regime, Tabery writes.
He writes that this is also an opportunity for Czech diplomacy to be eventually useful in Europe. Up until now all crises have been solved for them by the Germans, French and Britons, but now, there is a chance for the Czechs to offer their own activities, Tabery writes.
He writes that the Czechs and Poles have excellent relations and that the Czechs could tell the Poles in an appropriate form that they have not set out on a good path, or at least that they will not follow them on it.
The Czechs have their own unfortunate experience from the times of the opposition agreement when politicians also attempted to change the rules of the gam,e so that they may keep power for ever, Tabery writes.
The opposition agreement was signed by Milos Zeman, when his Social Democratic Party (CSSD) won the general election in 1998 and he formed a minority government that was kept in power by the Civic Democrats (ODS) of Vaclav Klaus in exchange for a portion of influence.
Tabery writes that the peaceful times have ended for the Czech Republic and that it must have a very active foreign policy.
He writes that most changes in the Central European region have always followed breakthrough events in Germany which is the Czechs´ biggest ally and that is why, pursuing their own interests, they should think about how to help Germany with the migrant crisis.
Moscow, for its part, is an ever more aggressive player in this region. How will the Czech Republic reinforce its defence and how will it convince Europe to follow suit? Tabery asks.
He writes that three out of four Visegrad Group countries show a dramatic increase in nationalism, xenophobia and authoritarian attitudes. How will the Czech Republic show to its Western partners that this does not apply to it and how will it try to improve the situation in the East? Tabery asks.
What will the Czech Republic do for Britain, which has the intellectual, business as well as military capacities that the united continent needs, not to decide in a referendum to leave the EU? And how will it react if this fails? Tabery asks in conclusion.

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